{"id":852,"date":"2011-02-05T22:22:14","date_gmt":"2011-02-06T02:22:14","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.peoplevstate.com\/?p=852"},"modified":"2011-11-13T22:34:31","modified_gmt":"2011-11-14T02:34:31","slug":"leftover-links","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.peoplevstate.com\/?p=852","title":{"rendered":"Leftover Links"},"content":{"rendered":"
The First Leftist<\/a>:<\/p>\n The first Leftists were a group of newly elected representatives to the National Constituent Assembly at the beginning of the French Revolution in 1789. They were labeled \u201cLeftists\u201d merely because they happened to sit on the left side in the French Assembly.<\/p>\n The legislators who sat on the right side were referred to as the Party of the Right, or Rightists. The Rightists or \u201creactionaries\u201d stood for a highly centralized national government, special laws and privileges for unions and various other groups and classes, government economic monopolies in various necessities of life, and a continuation of government controls over prices, production, and distribution.<\/p>\n . . .<\/p>\n The majority of the original Party of the Left had been opposed to concentrated power regardless of who exercised it. But the violent revolutionists in their midst, led by Robespierre, Danton, and Marat, were opposed to concentrated power only so long as someone else exercised it. Robespierre, who represented himself as spokesman for the people, first said that the division of the powers of government was a good thing when it diminished the authority of the king. But when Robespierre himself became the leader, he claimed that the division of the powers of government would be a bad thing now that the power belonged \u201cto the people.\u201d<\/p>\n . . .<\/p>\n Most of the original Leftists protested. So they too were soon repudiated in the general terror that was called liberty. But since the name Leftist had become identified with the struggle of the individual against the tyranny of government, the new tyrants continued to use that good name for their own purposes. This was a complete perversion of its former meaning.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n I revere Leo Tolstoy as a great and exemplary man not only for his principled anarchism and non-dogmatic Christianity, but also for his enthusiastic endorsement later in life of the “Single Tax” advocated by Henry George, as described by<\/a> Tolstoy’s personal friend and secretary Victor Lebrun:<\/p>\n In giving his extreme and sympathetic attention to other thinkers and writers, the great Tolstoy differed essentially from his colleagues — the geniuses of all countries and all centuries. But nothing shows the complete honesty and surprising liberty of his spirit more than his attitude towards Henry George.<\/p>\n It was at the beginning of 1885 that he happened to lay his hands on the books of the great American sociologist. By then the moral and social doctrine of the thinker had been solidly and definitely established. Man’s supreme and unique duty was to perfect himself morally and not to co-operate with the wrong. Thus the social problem would be automatically solved when the majority has understood the true meaning of pure Christianity and when it has learned to abstain from all crimes which are frequently and commonly committed. All reasoning about the precise nature of the citizens’ rights, about laws, about the organisation of governmental compulsion for their protection is anathema to the great thinker.<\/p>\n But \u2026 hardly had Tolstoy had a glance at “Social Problems” and “Progress and Poverty” and he was completely captivated by George’s outstanding exposition.<\/p>\n . . .<\/p>\n And the thinker does not hesitate any longer. From this encounter on he resolutely and enthusiastically takes George’s side, and to his last breath for a quarter of a century, he makes every effort without relaxation to make his discovery known.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Georgetown professor John Hasnas wrote in The Obviousness of Anarchy<\/a> a couple things I’ve tried to say on this blog:<\/p>\n Anarchy refers to a society without a central political authority. But it is also . . .<\/p>\n No one believes that we can transition from a world of states to David Gross at The Picket Line links<\/a> to a good meditation on the dangers of lifestyle purity perfectionism<\/a> by Claire Wolfe, who writes:<\/p>\n
\nused to refer to disorder or chaos. This constitutes a textbook example of Orwellian
\nnewspeak in which assigning the same name to two different concepts effectively
\nnarrows the range of thought. For if lack of government is identified with the lack of
\norder, no one will ask whether lack of government actually results in a lack of order.
\nAnd this uninquisitive mental attitude is absolutely essential to the case for the state.
\nFor if people were ever to seriously question whether government is really productive
\nof order, popular support for government would almost instantly collapse.<\/p>\n
\nanarchy instantaneously. No reasonable anarchist advocates the total dissolution of
\ngovernment tomorrow. Once we turn our attention to the question of how to move
\nincrementally from government to anarchy, it becomes apparent that national defense
\nwould be one of the last governmental functions to be de-politicised. If my argument
\nfor anarchy is flawed and anarchy is not a viable method of social organisation, this
\nwill undoubtedly be revealed long before doing away with national defense becomes
\nan issue. On the other hand, to the extent that the gradual transition from government
\nto anarchy is successful, the need for national defense continually lessens.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n